Oil company seeks to exploit reserves under Waorani Indian homeland.
Northeastern Ecuador’s Napo River region has for centuries been home to the Waorani (Huaorani) Indians, a fiercely independent people who live in cane dwellings and wear only waist cords and a few ear, hair and neck ornaments.
But more and more, this land lush with tree ferns and orchids, sloths and anteaters, parrots, manatees, and Amazon dolphins has become a drilling field where multinational oil companies sink their bits and pump their fortunes. Since 1967, oil workers and contractors have swarmed to the area, bringing bulldozers, toxic chemicals, viruses, guns and alcohol. They frequently secure the sexual services of Waorani women by bribing their brothers with sugar, boots, axes, and chainsaws—good and equipment often pirated from company supplies. Sometimes the pilfering workers even contrive to blame the thefts on the Waorani.
One group of about 125 Waorani living in and around Yasuní National Park—one of the Amazon Basin’s largest rainforest preserves—has mostly avoided contat with oil workers. But its isolation from Western culture may soon be shattered. As early as March or April, Conoco Ecuador Limited, an affiliate of the Texas-based oil giant, expects to begin carving a road for pipeline construction more than 100 miles into the park, penetrating to the heart of the Waorani nation.
Not only will Conoco’s road carry oil crews and equipment into Yasuní Waorani territory, says the Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund, but it will draw colonists to the forest from all across Ecuador—speculators seeking to clearcut land for farms and cattle ranches. And that, the Defense Fund’s lawyers say, will prove so disastrous to the Waorani way of life that Conoco and the Ecuadoran government, which approved the project, could be held liable for ethnocide, a criminal offense under international law.
“The Waorani Indians face cultural annihilation if there are any major incursions into their territory,” says Karen Parker, a human-rights attorney retained by the Defense Fund. “They aren’t very adaptable to new influences. The Waorani are migrant people, hunters. Their territory has already been reduced to an area too small for their traditional lifestyle.”
Conoco officials strongly object to the allegation of ethnocide. “In fact,” says Conoco attorney H.J. van Wageningen, “we’re trying to avoid any harm coming to the Waorani.”
As evidence of their concern, Conoco officials point to an environmental assessment they commissioned from anthropologist James A. Yost, who lived among the Indians from 1973 to 1982. The company says it has developed policies based on Yost’s observations that will prevent disruption of the Waorani culture.
Among Conoco’s plans is a medical clinic for oil-company employees that would also be available to the Waorani. Whether that measure would suffice to guard against the spread of such diseases as influenza, which is alien to the Waorani people, is an open question. In areas of the Ecuadoran rainforest where flue viruses have been carried in by oil-company workers or tourists, may Waorani have died of secondary pneumonia.
Conoco Ecuador recognizes that the most severe threat to Waorani society would come from colonization along the new pipeline road. The company points out, however, that such settlements in Yasuni National Park is forbidden by Ecuadoran law. Colonists can be turned back, the company maintains, by means of around-the-clock police surveillance at key checkpoints along the road; those who ship through can be detected by satellite monitoring of the entire park.
Anthropologist Yost isn’t reassured. “Colonists in all parts of the developing world have proved time and again to be tenacious and relentless,” he says.
Yost believes the potential for disaster in Conoco’s roadbuilding scheme is enormous. “Imagine the world of the Wao,” he wrote in his environmental assessment, “a person born tinto a culture that has a technology limited to stone, wood and fiber; a person who has never seen a horse, much less imagined an automobile. . . . Imagine how easily this erson’s sense of well-being is going to be challenged when the age-old sollutinso fo survival o longer work and he or she has no sense of control over the future.”
Acknowledging that oil development seems inevitable in the face of world demand for energy resources, Yost nonetheless advised Conoco Ecuador that his personal preference would be that no road be built into Yasuni National Park. “No matter how sensitive Conoco or any others going into the area might be,” he observed, “the Waorani will undergo some wrenching changes.”
This article appeared in Sierra, “Hot Spots,” March/April 1990.
The power of the earth is infinite and encompasses all. That which has no roots in the earth is not sound, has no worth.
— saying in the Quechua Indian community of Pinchimuro.
Kay Pacha, by Rosalind Gow and Bernabe Condori; preface and index by Henrique Urbano (Center for Rural Andean Studies, Cuzco, Peru; 1976). Bilingual edition in Quechua and Spanish, 200 pages, paperback, illustrated.
Earthly Gods: Quechua Indian Spirituality According to Kay Pacha .
Reviewed and translated from the Spanish by Mark Mardon
IN THE QUECHUA LANGUAGE OF THE CUZCO-COLLAO REGION OF PERU, Kay Pacha means “earthly world, inhabited by living beings.” The spirits and demons that inhabit this world are of the earth and close to the people, not remote and of the sky as with the Judeo-Christian god.
The book is a collection of legends, anecdotes, and spiritual beliefs of the inhabitants of the tiny Peruvian community of Pinchimuro, which lies within the shadow of towering Mt. Ausangate. Replete with a pantheon of gods, spirits, demons, and witches, the book is a serious anthropological study of a traditional Andean society.
Authors Gow and Condori, who assembled the stories and elaborate on their meanings, never introduce us to the story tellers, who remain nameless and faceless. Yet this seeming lapse is explained by the fact that the stories we read in Kay Pacha belong to the community, not to the person who transmits it to the researcher.
“The individual relating the story,” writes Urbano in his preface, “assumes the collective word to express the sentiments, desires, aspirations of the whole community.”
Ancestors, rocks, rivers, and mountains all command reverence from the peasants of Pinchimuro. The people exist at the mercy of nature, to which they attribute divine powers, sometimes benevolent, sometimes cruel and avaricious.
Most of the book’s legends and anecdotes, taken by themselves, are far too sketchy to be easily appreciated by the uninitiated, but Gow and Condori divide the book into several sections and provide an essential and enlightening introduction to each. These cover such topics and concepts as mother earth, regional history, Apus, divinities, and festivals.
These help the reader learn the names and characteristics of the various spirits that exert influence over the land and people of the community.
Omens and portents, offerings, cures, and witchcraft are all the domain of paqos, human shamans within the community. If their ability is keen, they command respect and wield authority. They look for omens among the stars, in the temper of the mountains, in the direction of the wind, in the rain and the hail, and above all in the leaves of coca, divining the necessities and desires of Pachamama, mother earth. It is Pachamama that is revered above all: “Pachamama lives. As she begets the worms of the earth, so too are we begotten.”
Apus are spirits of the hills and mountains, whose powers increase with the height of the landform they inhabit. Thus Apu Ausangate, god of the snow-capped, 20,906-foot peak, is the most powerful Apu, and the one most pervasive throughout the community’s folklore.
A similarity with other native religions is evident, and Christianity has had an influence, especially in that aspect of the Apus‘ nature that serves as a moral guide. Yet the Christian god plays but a minor role in Pinchimuro cosmology. The forces most removed from the earth — God, the sun, the moon, the stars, and the majority of saints — have very limited powers. The campesinos say: “They live in the heavens, they are not like us, how can they affect our lives?”
The campesinos divide their history into five periods: creation; the first men; the period of the Incas and the Spanish Conquest; independence; and the future. The story of the first men is especially interesting: called the “Gentiles,” the first men were few but physically and spiritually very powerful. Giants reaching great ages, they knew no infirmity. Having no gods they were their own authorities, acting themselves as gods. They cultivated potatoes and cared for animals; nonetheless, they lived in constant darkness and their only fear was light. Their epoch ended when the first sun appeared over the horizon and the rooster crowed; they realized there was no time to escape, so they buried their gold, silver, weavings, tools, and adornments. Accompanied by pumas, llamas, and alpacas, the Gentiles dashed for the darkness of the jungle, cursing the sun. Some reached their goal, but most were immobilized when the sun struck them and burned them or turned them to stones.
The book gives a glimpse into the kind of ritual offerings still practiced within traditional Andean societies. On the 31st of July of each year, for example, the campesinos of Pinchimuro supplicate their individual stars with offerings of 12 k’intus (bunches of three leaves of the coca plant), the fetus of a pig or of a guinea pig, the fat of an alpaca, sweets, tiny lead stars, and carnations. They are rewarded with a sacred rock, inkaychu, in the shape of a vicuna, an alpaca, a sheep, or a cow that contains the essence of the vital force of the Apu. In celebrating the rites of the festival of The Lord of Quyllur Rit’i, many campesinos believe the Lord desires human sacrifice. It is felt the celebration has been a failure if during it no one dies.
Kay Pacha’s greatest achievement is the insight it gives into the campesino’s view of the world. In one instance that view encompasses what the campesinos view as the follow of mountaineering gringos who attempt to scale Ausangate, one of the world’s great climbing challenges. In a tale called “The Lion of Ausangate,” oral tradition in Pinchimuro recounts the predicaments of foreigners attempting to scale the peak. Alas, they encounter the mountain’s guardian, The Lion:
Well, then came the gringos from other nations. These gringos upset him [the lion]. Climbing halfway up Ausangate they watched, but the lion didn’t let himself be seen. He does not want them to see him easily. It angers him. Even Ausangate himself would not let himself be seen by the gringos. Dense clouds concealed him. Then came the snow.
All this happened to the poor gringos. Weeks and weeks they were there suffering. They say they wanted to climb Ausangate and see the lion. They were not allowed to see. Then, erecting their tent above the lake, the poor gringos became unhappy. They took photographs of the viscachas [a type of rodent].
There they were passing their lives. The never were able to climb Ausangate. They climbed halfway. There they became ill. At times they returned on a stretcher. At times they came back tied to a horse. The gringos suffered greatly in this remote corner. They hiked Ausangate saying: “I will go up.” They were not able. Flags were raised.”
When they wanted to climb to the top, Ausangate caused two golden bulls to block their way. Because of this they could neither climb upwards nor remove the golden bulls. Nor could they see the lion. For pleasure, they suffered there. They did everything possible, but neither could they climb nor see.
At the time they became ill, they saw that their provisions were finished. Now they had nothing to eat. They lived for weeks sucking candies, nothing more. A few times, shortly after they arrived, the inhabitants of that remote place robbed them of their sleeping bags and supplies — they robbed them of everything. The poor gringos suffered a lot in that remote place.
So they returned to their land because they had nothing more to eat. Carrying photographs of alpacas, rocks, and snow, they returned.
This is the account of the riches of Ausangate they desired.
The Cosmology of Pinchimuro
Kay Pacha means “earthly world, inhabited by living beings.”
Pachamama is Quechua for “Mother Earth.”
“Pachamama lives. As she begets the worms in the earth, so too are we begotten. She has bones and blood. And hair too. The pastures are her hair. She has milk as well. She lives in August from the first to the sixth. After Christmas she lives no more. She receives offerings. Wine and drink for her ceremony of pouring liquor, this is what Pachamama wants. Pacha Tierra [another term for “mother earth”], like us, knows how to masticate coca; she knows how to drink. The offering must contain feed, incense, sugar, fetus of vicuna, fetus of vizcacha, and the wool of the vicuna.”
Urbano makes clear Pachamama’s importance to the people of Pinchimuro: “Isolated, exploited, dominated, the man of Pinchimuro lives with hunger, illness and death at his side. Pachamama briefly comforts the hunger, the hills protect against the dangers of an ungrateful nature, the rivers and the rains provide the water necessary for the farms, the sweet coca makes one forget the pain and the harshness of the work.”
The forces most removed from the earth — God, the sun, the moon, the stars (except “las Cabanillas”) and the majority of saints — have very limited powers. According to Gow and Condori: “The campesinos say: ‘They live in the heavens — they are not like us — How can they affect our lives?'”
Apus: gods of the hills and mountains.
Apus have three levels of existence:
1. In the first level, they are human beings, appearing to the campesinos as men, children, or women. They are treated as members of the family with the same needs and behaviors. In the past, they appeared frequently in the pueblo. Apu Ausangate, most powerful in the region, appeared frequently as a mestizo child, with blond hair and clear skin, wearing white clothes and adorned with ferns or a white headband, and mounted on a white horse. The human aspect of Apu Ausangate is important: he suffers and is happy with the pueblo, loves and is loved by all.
2. In the second level, the apus, especially Ausangate, are symbols of ideal life. Moral guides. They punish those who commit incest with an eternity of living in agony and desperation, dragging their chained, naked bodies to the frozen slopes of Ausangate, where they are obliged to devour friends and neighbors, like it or not.
The campesino must select the star that represents the affinity between his destiny and that of his closest apu. Without altomisas — intermediaries — he must select on his own. He must certify his selection is correct. So, on July 31st, he makes offerings to his star, including 12 k’intus (bunches of three leaves of the coca plant), the fetus of a pig, or of a guinea pig, the fat of an alpaca, sweets, tiny lead stars, and carnations. If his selection is correct, he is compensated with a sacred rock (inkaychu ) in the form of a vicuna, alpaca, sheep, or cow that contains the essence of the vital force protected and created by the apu.
3.In the third level, the apus are all-powerful gods, above and beyond human understanding. They accomplish miracles or heroic actions or may be bad and cruel. This explains Ausangate’s two names: Apu Ausangate, symbol of virtue, benevolence, and peace; and Inca Qaha, symbol of the passing, the destruction, and the insecurity of the future.
Ausangate is the name given to a group of mountains that include Kayankati, Hawaykati, Qulqi Cruz (5,960 meters), and Ausangate itself (6,372 meters). These apus exercise little influence over the fertility of cultivated lands. The second level of lesser mountains do this.
Rugales: divinities of the rocks, lakes, and hills.
Hail, snow, and lightening: demons living in dangerous and isolated high altitude lakes where they form a family. The snow is the grandmother, the hail is the daughter, and the lightening are the grandchildren. They are cruel, avaricious, and their homes are full of the animals, harvests, and people whose vital forces — souls — have been robbed.
Elemento — The rivers whose sources are in Ausangate are called Elemento. In a region where the water inundates the land half the year and the other half the animals lose weight and go hungry for lack of water, Elemento is perceived as an all-powerful but irrational god: a semi-god and semi-demon.
Rocks, in campesino cosmology, are the domicile of ancestors and have the power to control the fertility of the earth and the destiny of the campesino.
The Virgin of Pinchimuro, Mamacha Concebida: came down from the heavens and, according the thinking of many, lives in the temple, acquired certain power linked with the earth. As a woman, she is associated with Pachamama and helps to assure the fertility of the fields.
El Señor [Lord] de Quyllur Rit’i: each year attracts some 10,000 faithful campesinos to his sanctuary. Identified by many of them with the rock in which he disappeared, and on which he had previously painted his cross.
Spirits and demons:
1. The anchanchu live in the rivers.
2. The quwa live in the wind.
3. The sirinu live in the lakes.
4. The Incas are waiting in the earth, but must make their presence felt by means of tapados , sacred stones and manifestations in the form of animals.
5. The deadly soq’a — tumor — is a spirit of ancestors, living in the earth, appearing frequently at nightfall in search of living souls.
In the belief system of Pinchimuro, according to Kay Pacha, “One must care for the dead members of a family as if they were living, and even more, because they are dangerous, they must not be irritated. These dead live, and during the year they must be remembered with respect, by making offerings of their favorite foods and beverages, and in this manner all can live together in peace.”
The First of August: This date lives, and all the men make Vespers on the night of the thirty-first. At dawn they leave in search of idols (inkaychu ); every rock lives, every crag and cliff lives, and every spring lives. From these places they look and inspect the pampas. On this day the pampas live. Everything lives. The Pachamama lives too. For this the Pachamama makes presents of idols to the lucky people. What is more, on this day the cow has its stone, the sheep has its stone, the fish and every one of the animals too.
Las Cabanillas: A constellation, probably the Southern Cross. Depending on which of three stars — Collari, Incari, and Mistiri — shows first after the new year, the people say the year will be bad, good, or regular, respectively.
The Community of Pinchimuro
“A small community of 65 families, Pinchimuro belongs to the district of Ocongate, province of Quispicanchis. . . . Undulating and naked earth at 3,900 meters above sea level, it is adorned by valleys to the north and south, while to the east it is dominated by the majestic Ausangate, Cayancate, and Qolque, snow-capped mountains a few hours away by foot.
“Life is hard in these remote regions. The community possesses only 250 hectares of poor land that permits only the cultivation of potatoes and the lowest proportions of cereals in the most sheltered places. Rotation is made every six years. Each family cultivates more or less a half hectare and in that rears a few animals. The majority of these only manage to survive thanks to the sale of meat and wool (for one or two ponchos a year), and to money acquired in possible migrations to the jungle, their only sources of income. The potatoes are generally small and worm-ridden. For the most part there is a resistance among the commune dwellers to employing fertilizers, cause by the loss of 17,000 soles suffered by the neighboring community that tested them on a field of garlic. Before the harvest of the potatoes, from January to April, chuño [freeze-dried potato] is the only food.”
In Pinchimuro there were formerly two levels of shamanism: the Altomisa, with superior powers, who eventually turned prideful and so lost the faith of the people and had his powers limited, and the pampamisa, better known as paqo, the most important person in the community.
Paqo: a person wholooks for omens among the stars, in the temper of the mountains and the lakes, in the direction of the wind, of the rain and of the hail and above all in the leaves of coca, divining the necessities and desires of the Pachamama, of the hill-gods, and of the demons of the hail and wind. The election of a good paqo is supremely important. The paqo is many times a political leader, or justice of the peace.
Paqoscome in three classes:
1. Those who cure human illnesses.
2. Those who make offerings to gods and demons for the prosperity of crops and animals.
3. Fearsome witches who bring death or illness, who fashion images of their enemies, attaching them to a cross and interring them in a cemetery.
El Ararihua: the person responsible for the protection of the farms.
Qollana and Kaywa: conductors of the daily communal tasks.
Los carquyoq: functionaries. They provide food, beverages, and coca as necessary, but haven’t the wisdom or power to diving the meaning of agricultural evens or strange climatic changes.
The Folk History of Pinchimuro
The people of Pinchimuro divide history into five periods:
1.Primordial time and creation. A time of chaos that terminated with the creation of all the elements. The Creation is attributed to God. For many campesinos this is His only important role. After creating the world, God entrusted the Pachamama and the apus to govern as they saw fit.
2.The time of the Ñawpaq Machula, also called Gentiles and Machu Inca. The Ñawpaq Machula were the first men to inhabit the earth. They were few, but physically and spiritually very powerful. Giants reaching great ages, they knew no infirmity. Having no gods, they were their own authorities, acting themselves as gods. They cultivated potatoes and cared for animals; nonetheless, they lived in constant darkness and their only fear was light. Their epoch ended when the first sun appeared on the horizon and the rooster crowed — they realized there was no time to escape, so they buried their gold, silver, weavings, tools, and adornments. Accompanied by large rocks, and by pumas, llamas and alpacas, the Ñawpaq dashed toward the jungle cursing the sun. Some reached their goal, but the majority remained immobilized when the sun struck them atop their heads and they were burned or transformed into stones and rocks where they still dwell.
3. The Age of Gold; the time of the Incas and the Spanish Conquest. The Incas lived in order, love, and harmony among themselves as well as among the gods.
4. Modern period: from the hacienda to independence. There is no community record or relatings of the period from Conquest to 1870. Reports about life on the haciendas is a mixture of rage against the abuses of neighboring hacendados who robbed great extensions of Pinchimuro’s land, and of respect and fear towards the hacendados, and yearning for the order and control of this period. With the disappearance of the haciendas, older generations lament the breakdown of the strict social-political hierarchies, of obedience, respect, and equality. They try to live as of old, fulfilling their obligations and being respectful, and they feel resentment of the shift of the youth towards independence.
5. The future. The future is still unclear.
Each period, epoch, or chapter has been described similarly in Catholic terminology, with epochs 1 and 2 corresponding to Dios Yaya (the Father), epochs 3 and 4 to Dios Churi (the Son), and epoch 5 to Dios Espíritu Santo (the Holy Spirit). But this merely chronological division does not reflect the manner in which the campesinos consider their history.
According to the campesinos, each chapter has something in common with the anterior and the posterior. The past always lives and a part of the present and the future exists now and has always existed. The vision of history, then, is at once cyclical, in which a catastrophe closes one cycle and inaugurates another, and accumulative, in which the anterior cycle has not been destroyed but integrated and continues exercising powerful influence.